### SECTION - 1
#### 1. **Impact of the 1919 Mulki Farman on Education and Employment in Hyderabad State**
The **1919 Farman** issued by Nizam Mir Osman Ali Khan institutionalized the **Mulki Rules**, which prioritized native residents ("Mulkis") in education and employment. Its benefits and limitations are analyzed below:
##### **Educational Advancements**
- **Reservation in Institutions**: The Farman reserved seats in state-run educational institutions for Mulkis, ensuring access to **Osmania University** and professional colleges. This reduced dependency on foreign education for locals .
- **Scholarships and Aid**: Mulkis received financial aid for higher studies, fostering a generation of educated Telangana youth who later joined civil services .
##### **Employment Protections**
- **Residential Quotas**: Rule 39 of the Farman mandated that only Mulkis (defined by 15+ years of residency, birth, or paternal service) could hold government posts . This curbed non-local dominance in the bureaucracy.
- **Certification System**: Appendix N established a formal process for issuing **Mulki certificates**, preventing fraudulent claims and ensuring transparency .
- **Economic Equity**: By reserving positions in departments like revenue and education, the rules reduced unemployment among locals and promoted socio-economic stability .
##### **Limitations and Challenges**
- **Elite Bias**: Benefits often favored Urdu-speaking Muslim elites, marginalizing rural Hindu populations .
- **Post-1948 Erosion**: After Hyderabad’s annexation, the **Military Administration (1948–52)** and **Vellodi regime** diluted Mulki safeguards, appointing non-locals to key posts .
**Conclusion**: The Farman empowered locals educationally and economically but faced systemic erosion post-Indian integration.
---
#### 2. **Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS): Formation and Role in the Telangana Movement**
##### **Circumstances of Formation**
- **Violation of Safeguards**: TPS was founded in **1969** by intellectuals like **Konda Laxman Bapuji** after Andhra elites systematically violated the **Gentlemen’s Agreement (1956)** and **Mulki Rules**, monopolizing jobs and resources .
- **1969 Agitation Catalyst**: The **City College Incident** (police firing on students protesting job discrimination) ignited mass unrest, prompting TPS to channel public anger into organized politics .
##### **Assessment of TPS’s Work**
- **Political Mobilization**:
- TPS unified students, farmers, and civil servants under the slogan **"Telangana for Telanganites"**, organizing strikes and protests across 9 districts .
- It pressured the Centre to implement the **Eight-Point Formula (1969)**, which promised job reservations and a **Telangana Regional Committee** revival .
- **Limitations and Decline**:
- Internal factions split TPS by 1971, weakening its influence.
- The **1971 elections** saw TPS win only 11 seats, exposing its inability to translate agitation into electoral success .
**Conclusion**: TPS amplified regional discontent but failed to sustain momentum due to leadership fragmentation.
---
#### 3. (A) **Telangana’s Distinct Cultural Identity: Geographical, Political, Social, and Economic Foundations**
##### **Geographical Factors**
- **Plateau Terrain**: Telangana’s **arid Deccan plateau** fostered drought-resistant crops (e.g., jowar) and water-sharing traditions, contrasting with coastal Andhra’s fertile deltas .
##### **Political and Administrative Legacy**
- **Nizam’s Governance**: Under the **Asaf Jahi dynasty**, Telangana developed a Persian-Urdu administrative culture, distinct from British-influenced Andhra .
- **Mulki Rules**: The 1919 Farman institutionalized **residency-based rights**, reinforcing regional political identity .
##### **Socio-Economic Features**
- **Feudal Structure**: The **jagirdari system** created exploitative landlord-tenant dynamics, fueling peasant movements like the **Telangana Armed Struggle (1946–51)** .
- **Crafts and Dialects**: Local industries (e.g., **Pochampally weaving**) and the **Telangana dialect** (with Urdu loanwords) preserved cultural uniqueness .
**Conclusion**: These factors collectively fortified Telangana’s cultural identity against assimilation.
---
#### 4. (A) **Gentlemen’s Agreement (1956): Aspirations vs. Reality**
##### **Key Safeguards**
- **Job Reservations**: 12-year residency for Telangana jobs and creation of a **Telangana Regional Committee (TRC)** to approve expenditures .
- **Revenue Allocation**: Telangana’s surplus funds were to be spent locally .
##### **Failures and Violations**
- **Systemic Discrimination**: Andhra migrants secured 58% of government jobs by 1968 via forged documents, sidelining locals .
- **Fund Diversion**: The TRC was overruled; Telangana’s revenues financed coastal Andhra projects like the **Nagarjuna Sagar Dam** .
- **Agitation Response**: Breaches led to the **1969 protests**, forcing the **Eight-Point Formula**—a temporary fix that failed to address root issues .
**Conclusion**: The Agreement’s unenforced safeguards deepened regional disparities.
---
#### 4. (B) **Economic Discrimination in 1960s Telangana**
##### **Agriculture and Irrigation**
- **Canal Neglect**: Only 25% of Telangana’s arable land was irrigated vs. 62% in Andhra. Projects like the **Pochampad Dam** were delayed .
- **Crop Pricing Bias**: Andhra’s rice farmers received higher subsidies, while Telangana’s coarse grains were undervalued .
##### **Power Allocation**
- **Industrial Disparity**: Hyderabad’s industries received 80% of power, but Telangana’s rural areas faced 12-hour daily outages .
**Conclusion**: Deliberate underinvestment crippled Telangana’s agrarian economy.
---
### SECTION - II
#### 5. **Six Point Formula (1973): A Failed Compromise**
##### **Provisions and Shortcomings**
- **Unified State Cadre**: Ended job reservations, exacerbating Telangana unemployment .
- **Regional Development Boards**: Lacked fiscal powers; Andhra-dominated committees allocated funds inequitably .
##### **Consequences**
- **Andhra Dissatisfaction**: Coastal elites resented losing job advantages.
- **Telangana Resentment**: Locals saw it as a **betrayal**, sparking the **Jai Telangana agitation (1972–73)** .
**Conclusion**: The Formula satisfied neither region, fueling separatist sentiments.
---
### SECTION - III
#### 11. **Cultural Revivalism and Statehood Demand (Post-1990)**
- **Symbolic Expressions**:
- **Performing Arts**: **Gaddar’s folk songs** and **Burrakatha** performances highlighted Telangana’s feudal struggles .
- **Literary Movements**: **Golconda Adab** journal promoted Telangana dialect literature .
- **Political Impact**: Cultural activism by groups like **Telangana Jana Sabha** reframed statehood as an **identity issue**, broadening mass support .
---
#### 12. **Sri Krishna Committee (2010): Tactical Delay or Meaningful Exercise?**
##### **Critical Assessment**
- **Buying Time Argument**:
- The Committee’s **17-month study** delayed statehood amid the **2009–10 agitation**, leading to **56 student suicides** .
- **Contradictory Recommendations**:
- It acknowledged Telangana’s "socio-economic backwardness" but proposed "unified Andhra" with weak regional councils .
**Conclusion**: Perceived as a **stalling tactic**, it intensified protests.
---
#### 13. (A) **Civil Society’s Role in 1990s Statehood Movement**
- **Key Organizations**:
- **Telangana Information Trust**: Published data on Andhra’s resource exploitation.
- **Telangana Vidyavanthula Vedika**: Mobilized students through campus rallies .
- **Impact**: Their reports and grassroots campaigns shifted public discourse from **development** to **self-determination** .
---
#### 14. (A) **Hyderabad Free Zone Agitation**
- **Trigger**: The 2009 proposal to make Hyderabad a **joint capital** threatened Telangana’s claim over its revenue hub.
- **Mass Protests**: **Sakala Janula Samme (2011)** saw 500,000 employees strike for 42 days, paralyzing governance .
---
#### 15. (B) **December 9, 2009: Watershed Statement**
- **Irreversible Momentum**:
- Union Home Minister **P. Chidambaram’s** declaration that "the process of Telangana statehood is initiated" legitimized the demand.
- Despite rollbacks, it cemented **TRS leader KCR’s fast-unto-death** as a turning point .
**Conclusion**: The statement transformed statehood from a **negotiable demand** to an **inevitable outcome**.
---
*Note: All answers synthesize data from provided sources; citations refer to webpage numbers in search results (e.g., ).*
No comments:
Post a Comment